Citations:maidan

English citations of maidan, Maidan, maydan, and Maydan

• 1881, Fedor Dostoyeffsky, Buried Alive: Or Ten Years of Penal Servitude in Siberia, transl. Marie von Thilo, London: Longmans, Green and Co.:

  [p 80] There is almost in every cell a convict who is the fortunate owner of a square bit of carpet, a candle, and a pack of horribly greasy cards, all of which articles are designated collectively by the name of ‘maïdán.’ A maïdán is let for the night for fifteen copecks.

  [p 81] As soon as a maïdán was arranged, one of these drudges would immediately come forward and offer his services.

• 1963, V. Petrov, “Remains of Prehistoric Material Culture” in

  As to the method of keeping cattle, the area of Kolomyishchyna, near Khalepia, indicates that they were kept in village herds; the settlements were circular in formation and cattle were driven into the open area in the center of the settlement (maidan).

• 1993, Let’s Go: The Budget Guide to Europe, St. Martin’s Press, p 844:

  Public Transportation: Kiev’s metro system (tickets 50k) is clean and efficient; the central point is station Maidán Nezalezhnosti (Майдан Незалежності).

• 1999, Jane Hutchings, Russia, Belarus & Ukraine, Insight Guides, p 313:

  Back along Kreshchatyk, past the distinctive electric clock tower of the Trades Union centre, is the Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), Kiev’s central square.

• 2005, Belarusian Review, vv 17–19, Byelorussian-American Association:

  [p 21] [...] them the “people chain” became a place to meet up with new Belarusian friends made on the Maidan, the center of pro-Yushchenko rallies in Kyiv.

  [p 29] In the beginning of the orange revolution, and at its crucial moment, Sniter Bandarenka and Mikita Sasim, as well as many other Belarusian patriots, were with us on Kyiv Maidan (Independence Square), shoulder to shoulder, and fighting for Ukrainian and Belarusian democracy.

• 2005, Folklorica: Journal of the Slavic and East European Folklore Association, v 10:

  [p 4] Most of the texts which we collected on Maidan (Independence Square) in Kyiv during November and December 2004 show this quite clearly.

  [p 10] The Maidan, or Independence Square, produced a very specific type of folklore.

  [p 16] The few texts that we received from outside Kyiv demonstrated that laughter and ridicule were more active on the Maidan than elsewhere.

• 2005, Insight Turkey: Quarterly Research and Information Journal with Focus on Turkey, v 7, Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Cooperation:

  Yet eleven months after crowds began to converge on the Maidan, the irony should be obvious. The Maidan is what created this ‘realistic possibility’. Yet the crowds on the Maidan had nothing further from their minds.

• 2005, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Federal Register Division, National Archives and Records Service, General Services Administration, p 551:

  Our ideals are simple and eternal: We want democracy and freedom—our apparent European aspirations, which we were discussing from the first days, many days before the Maidan events when me and my team went into the politics.

• 2005, Andrew Wilson, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, Yale University Press, →ISBN, p 126:

  By Tuesday 23 November, the protest was properly organized, and the Maidan became the centre of events. It also became a proper name, a shorthand, sometimes den an anthropomorphized agent. The ‘people’ became the ‘Maidan’, and individual people began speaking its name. Maidan is the Ukrainian word for ‘square’, a borrowing from Turkish. It was rarely used before 1991 – the Russian word is ploshchad – and took some time to catch on thereafter. As a space, however, the Maidan is symbolic of the new Ukraine.

• 2005, Anna Górska, What Future for Ukraine?, Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich, p 1:

  However, Maydan did not principally formulate any positive programme. Rather it vocally protested against what the society no longer accepted – lawlessness of the authorities, corruption, poverty, lies in the highest offices and the media, and disregard for the society which the leaders only remembered during electoral [...]

• 2005, Y. Zakharov, I. Rapp, and V. Yavorskiy eds., Human Rights in Ukraine 2004, Kharkiv: Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union, →ISBN, p 222:

  «Maidans» stood firm and peacefully throughout Ukraine.

• 2006, National Geographic, v 209, National Geographic Society, p 38:

  A declaration echoed across Ukraine in the wake of Yushchenko's ascent: Ya stoyav na Maidani! It means "I stood on the Maidan," Independence Square in the heart of Kyiv. It also means, I was there, I stood up for freedom, I have a right to expect change. During those tense wintry weeks when the old regime tried to hijack the election and the future hung in the balance, Ukrainians young and old flooded the capital, setting up a tent city on the Maidan and taking over the Kreshchatyk, Kyiv’s central avenue that doubles as Ukraine’s main street.

• 2006, Atis Lejiņš ed., The European Union’s Eastern Neighbours After the Orange Revolution, Latvian Institute of International Affairs, p 18:

  Ukraine’s political nation, born in the days of Maydan, was able to prevent the takeover of power by the Yanukovych camp, but it is clearly unable to wield control over those in power or to take influence on key issues of social and economic development.

• 2006, Geir Flikke and Segiy Kisselyov eds., Beyond Recognition?: Ukraine and Europe After the Orange Revolution, conference proceedings, Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, →ISBN, p 57:

  The Maidan programme was perceived existentially, and not instrumentally. The experience of the Maidans in Kiev, Donetsk and elsewhere is that of the ‘moral majority’ in terms of Hegel – the free, unselfish moralistic unification and political action of people.

• 2007, Andrew Jeffreys ed., The Report: Emerging Ukraine 2007, Oxford Business Group, →ISBN, p 11:

  Tymoshenko’s post-revolutionary troubles started not long after Yushchenko nominated her to serve as prime minister, reputedly bowing to the wishes of a massive Maydan crowd that, on his inauguration day, chanted her name louder than his.

• 2007, Lilia Shevtsova, Russia – Lost in Translation: The Yeltsin and Putin Legacies, Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, →ISBN, p 175:

  Moscow genuinely believes that Ukrainian society took to Maidan Square because it had been inspired and paid to do so by the West.

• 2009, Andrew Wilson, “Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’ of 2004: The Paradoxes of Negotiation”, in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash eds., Civil Resistance & Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford University Press, →ISBN:

  The authorities had turned the Central Election Commission into a fortress after sporadic protests that followed the first round—so the focus shifted downtown to the Maidan. ¶ Carnival was also telegenic. The organizers of what came to be known simple as ‘the Maidan’ skilfully exploited the world media’s appetite for positive pictures and symbolic events.

  It provided the foot-soldiers for key tasks that Our Ukraine couldn’t accomplish; not just Pora acting as the vanguard of the Maidan, but also in practical areas like gathering evidence for the Supreme Court.

• 2010, Caroline Wanjiku Kihato et al. eds., Urban Diversity: Space, Culture, and Inclusive Pluralism in Cities Worldwide, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, →ISBN, p 61:

  In those days, the Maidan became the political and cultural center for the revolution, the agora for people’s debates, manifestations, and communication, the revolutionary “heart and soul” that inspired many similar maidans (and not necessarily only Orange ones) in Lviv, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Sumy, Donetsk, and other Ukrainian cities and towns.

• 2010, Michael McFaul, “Importing Revolution: Internal and External Factors in Ukraine’s 2004 Democratic Breakthrough”, in Valerie Bunce, Michael McFaul, and Kathryn Stoner-Weiss eds., Democracy and Authoritarianism in the Postcommunist World, Cambridge University Press, →ISBN, p 210:

  A week into the Maidan protest, special troops from the Ministry of the Interior did arm and mobilize, with the intention of clearing the square. But Orange Revolution sympathizers from within the intelligence services warned the Maidan organizers of the impending attack, and then commanders within the regular army pledged to protect the unarmed citizens if these special forces tried to march into the center of town.

• 2012, Anna Fournier, Forging Rights in a New Democracy: Ukrainian Students Between Freedom and Justice, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, →ISBN, pp 138–39:

  A young woman from Kyiv, a student in her late twenties, told me on Maidan: “This is not a carnival. A carnival is the reversal of order. In this case, it’s the opposite: the government [vlada] is the carnival and we are trying to put things back in order.” An engineer in his mid-forties who had come to Maidan from L’viv echoed this feeling. When I asked him why he thought people had come to Maidan, and what is was that they wanted, he said: “You understand what order [poriadok] is, don’t you? This is what people want. They want to live in a normal country.”

• 2013, Robert Horvath, Putin’s Preventive Counter-Revolution: Post-Soviet Authoritarianism and the Spectre of Velvet Revolution, Oxon, UK: Routledge, →ISBN:

  [p 48] During the early months of 2005, many prominent commentators sounded the alarm about a ‘Moscow Maidan’, and debated the ‘colour’ of the coming upheaval.

  [p 63] He boasted that Oleg Bondarenko, the head of Za Rodinu!’s special projects section, had gone ‘to learn Maidan technology in Ukraine’.

• 2015, Robert Czulda and Marek Madej eds., Newcomers no More? Contemporary NATO and the Future of the Enlargement from the Perspective of “Post-Cold War” Members, Warsaw: International Relations Research Institute, →ISBN:

  [“Introduction,” p 15] It started after the victory of the Maidan protestors against the decision of the Ukrainian President Victor Yanukovych – unquestionably Russia-inspired or induced – to refuse to sign an association agreement with the European Union and his escape from Ukraine in February.

  [Ryszard M. Machnikowski, “NATO and Ukraine – Russian Crisis,” p 234] They were countered with pro-government rallies and the establishment of the anti-Maidan movement, supported mainly in the East, inhabited by a huge Russian minority, as well as the Russian-speaking Ukrainians who hold pro-Russian attitudes.