- 1 Translingual
- 2 Chinese
- 3 Japanese
- 4 Korean
- 5 Vietnamese
- KangXi: page 76, character 15
- Dai Kanwa Jiten: character 19
- Dae Jaweon: page 149, character 4
- Hanyu Da Zidian: volume 1, page 11, character 6
- Unihan data for U+4E0D
|simp. and trad.
|Historical forms of the character 不|
|Shang||Western Zhou||Warring States||Shuowen Jiezi (compiled in Han)|
|Oracle bone script||Bronze inscriptions||Chu bamboo and silk script||Small seal script|
|Characters in the same phonetic series (不) (Zhengzhang, 2003)|
|肧||*pʰlɯː, *pʰɯ, *pʰlɯː|
|痞||*prɯʔ, *brɯʔ, *pɯʔ|
|秠||*pʰrɯ, *pʰrɯʔ, *pʰɯ, *pʰɯʔ|
|不||*pɯ, *pɯʔ, *pɯ'|
|紑||*pɯ, *pʰɯ, *pʰɯʔ|
The character 不 originated as a pictograph of the calyx of a flower. It was then composed into a phono-semantic character with the pictograph for mouth (口), to form 否 (), representing “no” (negation). This composed meaning then spread back to the original character *brɯʔ, *pɯʔ不, making it a synonym of 否. A new character of 柎 () was eventually created to represent the original meaning of calyx. *po
Old Chinese had two sets of negatives: the initial *p-series and the initial *m-series. 不 is the prototype of the *p-series of negatives. Although it is the usual Literary Chinese negative attested from the oracle bone script down, its current usage is now confined to Mandarin dialects. In the oracle bone inscriptions, a total of five negative particles can be found: 不, 弗, 毋, 勿 and 非. With the exception of 非 (discussed later), the remaining can be neatly organised into the following system:
|*p-type negatives (< ?)||不 () *pɯ, *pɯʔ, *pɯ'||弗 () *pɯd|
|*m-type negatives (< Proto-Sino-Tibetan *ma)||毋 () *ma
(無 ()) *ma
|勿 () *mɯd|
Takahashi (1996) argued that the *m-type negatives are modal (i.e. negative verbs which are thought of as controllable by the Shang), whereas the *p-type negatives are non-modal (imply uncontrollability; actions which are beyond the control of living persons).
In the *p-series, 不 usually goes with intransitive verbs in the oracle bone script, and 弗 () with transitive ones, although there are some glaring exceptions. Little or no pattern can be discerned in the *m-type category. *pɯdTakahashi (1996) also proposed that the difference between the two vowel series was whether they preceded “stative, eventive, passive” (*-V series) or “non-stative, non-eventive, active” (*-ɯd series) verbs.
It is possible that the two parallel series of negatives in Old Chinese represent a fusion of the common Sino–Tibetan *ma (“no, not”) (carried by the eastward-migrating early Sino–Tibetans) and an indigenous negation system in Central China, and that the merger had been complete by the Shang times. Compare a similar system in Proto-Tai: *ɓawᴮ (“not [strong form 1]”), *boːᴮ (“not [strong form 2]”), *miːᴬ (“not [weak form]”); Thai บ่ (bà, “(literary, archaic, dialectal) not”).
In developing from Middle Chinese to Mandarin, this word escaped from regular sound changes to yield its modern pronunciation of bù, owing to itself belonging to the popular stratum. The expected reading is fǒu, with labiodentalisation, now represented by its unaffected Middle Chinese homophone 否 (“not”). The development from Old Chinese to Middle Chinese was not regular either; the variant Middle Chinese readings with checked coda (–t) were an innovation not found in Old Chinese. Another example of high-frequency words escaping regular sound changes is 父 (, “dad”), which resulted in a late coinage of *paʔ, *baʔ爸 (bà).
不 is cognate with other negation particles in the *p-type category:
- 弗 (, “not”); *pɯd
- 非 (, “not be; not”) – can be safely regarded as a fusion of *pɯj不 (, “not”) and *pɯ, *pɯʔ, *pɯ'惟 (, “to be”); *ɢʷi
- 否 (, “not; to be wrong”); *brɯʔ, *pɯʔ
- 匪 (, “it is not; to be not”); and *pɯjʔ
- 棐 (, “it is not; to be not”). *pɯjʔ
- Gan (Wiktionary): biit6
- Jin (Wiktionary): beh4
- Min Dong (BUC): bók
- Min Nan
- Wu (Wiktionary): peq (T4)
- Xiang (Wiktionary): bu6
- Min Dong
- Min Nan
- not (preceding verbs and adjectives)
- no (answer to a yes-no question)
- Used with 就 (jiù) to indicate the first of two alternatives.
- (colloquial) Question particle placed at the end of the sentence.
- (colloquial) Intensifying particle often used with 好 (hǎo).
- (archaic) Meaningless particle used in poems and other texts.
- The tone changes from fourth to second tone when followed by a fourth-tone syllable.
- When negating the verb 有 (yǒu) (to have), 沒／没 (méi) is used instead of 不 (i.e. 沒有／没有 (méiyǒu), rather than *不有).
- The word no does not have a translation in Chinese. To answer "no" to a yes/no question (either "affirmative-negative questions" (正反問句／正反问句) or a 嗎／吗 (ma) question), you have to use the verb of the question in negative form, i.e. preceded by 不 (or by 沒／没 (méi) in the case of 有 (yǒu)).
- If there is no verb to negate in the context, 不是 (bùshì) is used.
- "No" can be translated by 否 (fǒu) alone, but this is formal and not normally used in standard Chinese.
- When a verb is two characters long, truncating it to the first character before 不 may sound more natural, as in the example above (認不認識他／认不认识他 as opposed to 認識不認識他／认识不认识他)
- 不 is similar to a verb prefix that forms a stative verb with the verb to be negated. Therefore the predicates of the 不 sentences that contain the new compound verbs can not be modified by the perfective aspect marker 了 (le), which modifies only dynamic verbs.
- When 了 appears in a 不 sentence, it usually functions as a marker of "currently relevant state" instead. See the sentence above and notice that it does not mean "I have not become a soldier".
- Min Nan
Middle Chinese: /pɨuX/
- A surname.